Ukraine is wracked by the biggest protests seen since communism's collapse over a decade ago. Julia Tymoshenko, a former deputy prime minister turned dissident, explains why.
A poisoned public atmosphere threatens everyone who lives in Ukraine. Corruption and incompetence have forged a state in which tens of millions of lives lay broken and hopeless; where vast swathes of the economy are in ruin; where internal and external debts multiply into many billions of dollars; and where an inept army of corrupt bureaucrats presides over a government that cannot meet the most elementary needs of Ukraine's people.
President Leonid Kuchma's regime tries to lull both Ukrainians and the outside world about this dark state of affairs. It parrots soothing words about democratic principles, about the need for "social stability," and about signs of long-term economic growth that it alone sees. But everything Kuchma's cabal says mocks the truth. For as Kuchma's government mouths its platitudes, its cronies loot the national patrimony, handing it over to family and friends while they desecrate, plunder and sell the nation's independence to the highest bidder.
Why should people outside of Ukraine care? Ukraine's fate matters because the country plays an important role in how the countries of the former Soviet Union are perceived. A strong, prosperous Ukraine would make the whole region east of the Elbe look different. A weak, poor Ukraine will always be in danger of whetting the appetites of Russia's unvanquished nationalists, thus undermining President Putin's efforts to make Russia a normal European country. It will also incite fears of chaos in our neighbors.
Those risks are enhanced by the fact that Ukraine's economy is hugely in hock to Russia. Because of the mess Mr. Kuchma has made of the economy, our thirst for Russian energy is not matched by an ability to pay the bill for these imports. Moreover, under President Kuchma, the country is unable to respond to the West's strategic interests in Ukraine with practical signs of cooperation. The European Union rebuffs Ukraine's approaches with increasing coldness. The West's readiness to bail the country out has been stretched to the limit.
The cause of this situation is clear. Today we note with bitterness that there is only one free person in Ukraine: its president. He is free to do what he wants- free to betray state priorities, free to crush the life of every Ukrainian; free to hand out bits and pieces of the national economy to the favored few who do his bidding.
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He is also Ukraine's only independent person- independent of his electoral promises; independent of responsibility for Ukraine's destiny and that of its people; independent of charity for the homeless and poor. Independent, too, of global opinion, which long ago eliminated him from the list of respectable politicians.
Little of this gets reported (in or outside of Ukraine) because President Kuchma's arsenal of intimidation is vast. Indeed, the heads of opposition or investigative journalists can literally be cut off, as happened in the case Georgi Gongadze, whose fate was prefigured in taped recordings on which President Kuchma is heard calling for Gongadze's elimination.
Journalists are tortured, abducted, beaten, deprived of their jobs, and their families are threatened. But more than silence about Kuchma's actions results. These threats make it certain that lies are printed and broadcast - lies that are the backbone of Kuchma's regime.
Opponents, too, find themselves under threat. At this moment, the President's men are seeking to strip me of my parliamentary immunity. Previously, I was twice arrested on charges that even Mr. Kuchma's tame courts failed to pursue. I have even found myself in supposed "automobile accidents," an epidemic of which appears to effect President Kuchma's opponents. As The Economist pointed out, a shockingly large number of opposition figures somehow lose their lives on Ukraine's roads and in other strange ways.
Ukraine's people tried to change their government in last spring's parliamentary elections. The majority of voters supported parties that opposed President Kuchma. But the president manipulated Ukraine's parliamentary procedures to continue his policies of divide and misrule.
So Ukrainians must find another legitimate means to restore their democratic choice. Parliament must impeach President Kuchma. Ukrainians of all walks of life are engaged in peaceful nationwide protests to bring about both this change and early presidential elections. Some 200,000 of us braved arrest in central Kiev this week to demand Kuchma's eviction from power.
Of course, taking democracy "to the streets" is never an easy choice. But as Prague's "Velvet Revolution" of 1989 demonstrated, as a last resort peaceful protests can galvanize a nation into ridding itself of a corrupt, undemocratic regime. Ukraine's current autumn of discontent can end, as Shakespeare suggested, in a glorious summer, for our protests seek to change our government by legitimate democratic means, to restore normal life, and to revitalize democracy and economic development in Ukraine.
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Ukraine is wracked by the biggest protests seen since communism's collapse over a decade ago. Julia Tymoshenko, a former deputy prime minister turned dissident, explains why.
A poisoned public atmosphere threatens everyone who lives in Ukraine. Corruption and incompetence have forged a state in which tens of millions of lives lay broken and hopeless; where vast swathes of the economy are in ruin; where internal and external debts multiply into many billions of dollars; and where an inept army of corrupt bureaucrats presides over a government that cannot meet the most elementary needs of Ukraine's people.
President Leonid Kuchma's regime tries to lull both Ukrainians and the outside world about this dark state of affairs. It parrots soothing words about democratic principles, about the need for "social stability," and about signs of long-term economic growth that it alone sees. But everything Kuchma's cabal says mocks the truth. For as Kuchma's government mouths its platitudes, its cronies loot the national patrimony, handing it over to family and friends while they desecrate, plunder and sell the nation's independence to the highest bidder.
Why should people outside of Ukraine care? Ukraine's fate matters because the country plays an important role in how the countries of the former Soviet Union are perceived. A strong, prosperous Ukraine would make the whole region east of the Elbe look different. A weak, poor Ukraine will always be in danger of whetting the appetites of Russia's unvanquished nationalists, thus undermining President Putin's efforts to make Russia a normal European country. It will also incite fears of chaos in our neighbors.
Those risks are enhanced by the fact that Ukraine's economy is hugely in hock to Russia. Because of the mess Mr. Kuchma has made of the economy, our thirst for Russian energy is not matched by an ability to pay the bill for these imports. Moreover, under President Kuchma, the country is unable to respond to the West's strategic interests in Ukraine with practical signs of cooperation. The European Union rebuffs Ukraine's approaches with increasing coldness. The West's readiness to bail the country out has been stretched to the limit.
The cause of this situation is clear. Today we note with bitterness that there is only one free person in Ukraine: its president. He is free to do what he wants- free to betray state priorities, free to crush the life of every Ukrainian; free to hand out bits and pieces of the national economy to the favored few who do his bidding.
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Access every new PS commentary, our entire On Point suite of subscriber-exclusive content – including Longer Reads, Insider Interviews, Big Picture/Big Question, and Say More – and the full PS archive.
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He is also Ukraine's only independent person- independent of his electoral promises; independent of responsibility for Ukraine's destiny and that of its people; independent of charity for the homeless and poor. Independent, too, of global opinion, which long ago eliminated him from the list of respectable politicians.
Little of this gets reported (in or outside of Ukraine) because President Kuchma's arsenal of intimidation is vast. Indeed, the heads of opposition or investigative journalists can literally be cut off, as happened in the case Georgi Gongadze, whose fate was prefigured in taped recordings on which President Kuchma is heard calling for Gongadze's elimination.
Journalists are tortured, abducted, beaten, deprived of their jobs, and their families are threatened. But more than silence about Kuchma's actions results. These threats make it certain that lies are printed and broadcast - lies that are the backbone of Kuchma's regime.
Opponents, too, find themselves under threat. At this moment, the President's men are seeking to strip me of my parliamentary immunity. Previously, I was twice arrested on charges that even Mr. Kuchma's tame courts failed to pursue. I have even found myself in supposed "automobile accidents," an epidemic of which appears to effect President Kuchma's opponents. As The Economist pointed out, a shockingly large number of opposition figures somehow lose their lives on Ukraine's roads and in other strange ways.
Ukraine's people tried to change their government in last spring's parliamentary elections. The majority of voters supported parties that opposed President Kuchma. But the president manipulated Ukraine's parliamentary procedures to continue his policies of divide and misrule.
So Ukrainians must find another legitimate means to restore their democratic choice. Parliament must impeach President Kuchma. Ukrainians of all walks of life are engaged in peaceful nationwide protests to bring about both this change and early presidential elections. Some 200,000 of us braved arrest in central Kiev this week to demand Kuchma's eviction from power.
Of course, taking democracy "to the streets" is never an easy choice. But as Prague's "Velvet Revolution" of 1989 demonstrated, as a last resort peaceful protests can galvanize a nation into ridding itself of a corrupt, undemocratic regime. Ukraine's current autumn of discontent can end, as Shakespeare suggested, in a glorious summer, for our protests seek to change our government by legitimate democratic means, to restore normal life, and to revitalize democracy and economic development in Ukraine.