The problem with the new chatbots is not just that they are often stupid and naive; it is that they are not “stupid” or “naive” enough to pick up on the nuances, ironies, and revealing contradictions that constitute human culture and communication. Worse, by relying on them, we risk succumbing to the same obtuseness.
fears that the rise of powerful chatbots will spell the death of irony and nuance in human thought.
Following the latest banking crisis, monetary authorities should seriously consider how modern digital technologies could be used to avert such problems in the future. A central bank digital currency would both eliminate many barriers to financial transactions and end the risk of bank runs once and for all.
explains how central bank digital currencies would end bank runs and banks' excessive risk-taking.
斯坦福—英国脱欧的政治僵局,以及反对总统特朗普的美国中期选举反应,都在促使人们反思最近几年来横扫世界民主国家的民粹主义潮流。事实上,早就应该反思了。
民粹主义是一个含义模糊的词汇,可以用于各种不同的政党和运动,但其共同特征是憎恨权势精英。在2016年总统选举中,美国两大主要政党都经历了针对全球化和贸易协定的民粹主义反动。一些观察者甚至将特朗普的当选归因为民粹主义对过去七十年来的自由国际秩序的反动。但这样的分析过于简单。结果是由诸多因素决定的,而外交政策并非主要因素。
民粹主义不是新鲜事,属于地道美国风格。一些民粹主义反动——比如19世纪30年代杰克逊当选总统、二十世纪初的进步时代等——都引发了强化民主的改革。其他一些民粹主义反动,如19世纪50年代的反移民、反天主教的无知党(Know-Nothing Party)和20世纪五六十年代乔·麦卡锡(Joe McCarthy)参议员和乔治·华莱士(George Wallace)州长,则着重于仇外和排斥。最近一波美国民粹主义则两者兼而有之。
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