While carbon pricing and industrial policies may have enabled policymakers in the United States and Europe to avoid difficult political choices, we cannot rely on these tools to achieve crucial climate goals. Climate policies must move away from focusing on green taxes and subsidies and enter the age of politics.
explains why achieving climate goals requires a broader combination of sector-specific policy instruments.
The long-standing economic consensus that interest rates would remain low indefinitely, making debt cost-free, is no longer tenable. Even if inflation declines, soaring debt levels, deglobalization, and populist pressures will keep rates higher for the next decade than they were in the decade following the 2008 financial crisis.
thinks that policymakers and economists must reassess their beliefs in light of current market realities.
发自华盛顿哥伦比亚特区——当世界各国领导人本月晚些时候齐聚纽约出席联合国大会年度会议时,他们除了气候变化和可持续发展之外还会有很多可供讨论的议题。特别是美中两国之间不断升级的超级大国竞争对全世界构成了越来越大的风险。因此联合国必须将协助避免下一场冷战定义为自身当前的核心使命。
在关于多边主义消亡以及由美中两国主导的G2世界崛起的所有辩论中,人们很容易忘记在二战后其实也存在过一个类似的体系——当时是美国和苏联——而且存在了几十年。人们只有在1970年代末到1980年代才明显认识到苏联体系不是市场资本主义竞的对手。在1989年柏林墙倒塌以及随后苏联解体后,那个G2世界让位于G1+n,其他所有国家(也就是n)都无法作为单一全球超级大国去跟美国竞争。
随后的四分之一世纪是一个构建于自由主义之上的多边主义时期。民主体制和以市场为基础的资本主义似乎取得了弗朗西斯·福山(Francis Fukuyama)所谓“历史的终结”式的胜利。美国广泛捍卫这一秩序——2003年的伊拉克战争是一个明显的例外——并且像大多数国家一样,从全球化以及随之浮现的新复杂价值链中受益匪浅。
To continue reading, register now.
Subscribe now for unlimited access to everything PS has to offer.
Subscribe
As a registered user, you can enjoy more PS content every month – for free.
Register
Already have an account? Log in