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Israels Demokratiemüdigkeit

Jan 2, 2020 Dominique Moisi

JERUSALEM – Wenn überhaupt ein westliches Land unter demokratischen Funktionsstörungen leidet, dann ist es Israel. Da die Politiker des Landes nach den jüngsten Parlamentswahlen im September erneut keine Regierung bilden konnten, werden die Wähler im März 2020 an die Wahlurnen zurückkehren – zum dritten Mal in weniger als einem Jahr. Aber was kann man angesichts der aufgeheizten und polarisierten Politik und dem hochgradig proportionalen Wahlsystem von den nächsten israelischen Wahlen schon anderes erwarten als eine weitere Sackgasse?

Israels Ministerpräsident Benjamin Netanjahu sieht sich schon seit langem als israelischer Winston Churchill – als den letzten Retter eines Volkes, das angeblich von einem Holocaust durch die Atommacht Iran bedroht ist. Jetzt allerdings wäre er froh, es dem aktuellen britischen Premierminister Boris Johnson nachmachen zu können: mithilfe seiner entschlossenen Verlogenheit und dem Überdruss der Wähler eine klare parlamentarische Mehrheit zu erreichen.

Dabei hat Netanjahu immer noch ein paar Karten im Ärmel: Viele israelische Wähler russischer Abstammung träumen von einem „israelischen Putin“, also einem starken Führer mit autoritärem Temperament – und „Bibi“ ist dafür wahrscheinlich am besten geeignet. Aber tief im Inneren sind die meisten Israelis davon überzeugt, die Zeit nach Netanjahu habe bereits begonnen. Sie glauben, dass sich der Ministerpräsident nicht deshalb an die Macht klammert, um sein Volk zu retten, sondern um eine mögliche Haftstrafe für angebliche Korruptionsvergehen zu verhindern.

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The Last Days of Netanyahu?
Ilia Yefimovich/Picture Alliance via Getty Images

The Last Days of Netanyahu?

Shlomo Ben-Ami hopes that the result of Israel's parliamentary election halts the emergence of xenophobic theocracy.

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vivek iyer Jan 6, 2020

As the erudite author points out Israel has much in common with Hong Kong. Both owe their origin to British mercantile imperialism. Both export kung fu movies. Hong Kong produced Bruce Li. Israel produced 'Dana International' who is a master of all sorts of martial or marital arts.

Israeli politics is as dysfunctional as that of Belgium. This has caused the creation of an illiberal state in which some Palestinians are denied rights available to Jews. Never before has any such thing been heard of in Israel. People were peacefully practicing kung fu till Netanyahu came along. Israeli citizen's resistance to authoritarian Chinese rule is as strong as their resistance to authoritarian Nigerian rule. Thanks must go to Dana International for this outcome. Yet, because of Netanyahu- who is the Israeli Putin because he has an American accent and everybody knows Putin is actually from California and only learnt to make Russian type sounds from the comedian Yakov Smirnoff- Israel has become an illiberal democracy where Nigerian authoritarianism is not being resisted. As the author says ' given widespread erection fatigue (what? that's the authoritarian Chinese pronunciation of 'election') and the changing balance of Dana International power, it remains to be seen how long democlitic varues will continue to sway gently in the Tropical moonlight.
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j. von Hettlingen Jan 4, 2020

Dominique Moisi says despite election fatigue – Israelis are heading back to the polls in March for the third time in less than a year – voters should take a look at the citizens in Hong Kong, whose “resistance” to Beijing’s efforts to impose authoritarian rule on them, “is or should be – reminding Israelis of their country’s democratic roots.” With trust in political parties already at a historic low, this election may further reinforce how broken Israeli politics have become.
The author says Benjamin Netanyahu “has long seen himself as an Israeli Winston Churchill, the ultimate savior for a people confronted with the supposed threat of a new Holocaust from a nuclearized Iran.” But today Netanyahu would want to emulate someone else – Boris Johnson. Last month Britain’s prime minister secured “a clear parliamentary majority through a combination of determined mendacity on his part and weariness on the part of the electorate.”
A landslide victory might not be enough for Netanyahu. Many voters of Russian descent dream of an “Israeli Putin,” or a “strong ruler” with an authoritarian streak – and their Bibi “probably is the most qualified.” But after 13 years of Netanyahu many are tired of him. “Deep down, a majority of Israelis think that the post-Netanyahu era has already begun.” They know that he stays in power “as much to avoid possible imprisonment for alleged corruption-related crimes as to save his people.”
The author says “Netanyahu’s instinct for self-preservation also increases the risk of an escalation of tensions with Iran – especially because the regime in Tehran may itself be tempted to divert public attention from its own problems.” There is no doubt in Iran's hostility towards Israel, and Netanyahu never fails to capitalise on the threat Iranian leaders pose – the elimination of Israel and their support for radical proxies that are opposed to the Jewish state – to win votes ahead of elections.
Tensions between Iran and Israel have been rising since the outbreak of the Syrian war in 2011. Iran sees Israel's missile attacks on their targets in Syria as provocative, and Israel is opposed to Iran's growing presence on its northern border. Assad's victory is Iran's regional opportunity, and It is eager to expand its influence and establish itself as a military player in Syria. This – apart from its nuclear programme – is something that Israel sees as a fundamental threat.
In the days of the Shah, Israel was a close ally of Iran. Ties were severed after the Islamic Revolution in 1979, although Israel between 1981-1983 continued to sell arms to Tehran during the Iran-Iraq war. Ultimately, relations became frozen, due to Iran’s anti-Israel rhetoric and policy. Tehran strongly supports not only Hamas in Gaza, but also its Shia allies like Hezbollah in Lebanon. It has been accused of sponsoring terrorism against Israeli or Jewish targets abroad.
The author says, “regional tensions may provide a welcome respite for an Iranian regime that is increasingly unpopular with the public, both at home and in Iraq and Lebanon, where Iran wields considerable influence. Nor would Netanyahu mind a little tension with Iran over Syria, if only to remind Israeli voters that – even though his main rival Benny Gantz, the leader of the Blue and White party, is a former chief of the Israeli military – no one can match Bibi when it comes to security.”
Israelis reacted with muted satisfaction to yesterday’s killing of Iran’s second most powerful man, General Qasem Soleimani, by a US drone strike, even as they braced for potentially deadly retaliation by Iran and its proxies – Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza. Israel’s reaction to his death was restrained and officials were instructed not to comment, so as not to further inflame the emotions or imply any Israeli involvement. Yet many now fear an expulsion of US troops from Iraq, opening the way for greater Iranian influence there.
It remains to be seen what effect the current developments will have on the political stalemate in Israel. Critics said Netanyahu might be relieved by any distraction from his efforts to file a request to the Knesset for immunity from a pending corruption prosecution.
The author says Israel is increasingly pivoting to Asia in recent years, as many Israelis doubt Trump’s reliability and are concerned about the rise of anti-Semitism in the US, their closet and most important ally. China’s influence in Israel is palpable, with a Chinese state-owned company building a new shipping terminal at the Port of Haifa, and Chinese companies like ZTE and Huawei bidding on Israel’s 5G network.
Although Israelis argue that their country is small, and “such developments should not overly concern the US. But US policymakers fear that if one of America’s closest and most faithful allies strengthens ties with China, then less close and much larger partners – particularly the European Union – will seek to do the same.”
The author says, “Israel’s democratic challenges and its rapprochement with China go hand in hand.” It still seeks to “present itself as the region’s sole democracy,” despite its treatment of Palestinians. However many Israelis have come to believe that “democracy is good, security is better,” prompting them to vote for Netanyahu and his far-right allies. Should the US and Israel move “simultaneously” towards “illiberal democracy,” one can hardly speak of a “geography of values” that unite the two.
The West may be turning “ever more inward,” but Israel will not be the West’s "vanguard." It will continue defending its interests in the Middle East tooth and nail. It remains to be seen whether “the country may one day be tempted to present itself instead as the frontline of Asian modernity in the region, ready to exchange American protection for Chinese.” Israel might “sever all links with its values” when it felt it had lost its support from Washington, which is quite unlikely. Although the American Jewish population is estimated at around 3% of the population, the pro-Israel lobby wields immense power and influence over the country's economy and politics.
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