By rejecting the Lisbon Treaty, Ireland's voters once again demonstrated Europeans' deep-seated suspicion toward unifying initiatives that would make the EU an autonomous center of power. But socio-economic change will continue to force the EU to seek new forms of organization, combining inter-governmental and federal approaches.
ATHENS – European integration implies successive transfers of national sovereignty to the Union. But, while member states readily comply with decisions that abolish protective measures – say, import duties – they hesitate to formulate or advance policies that would grant the European Union discretionary powers to take initiatives. Typical examples of this are the stalled Lisbon Strategy, the incomplete Economic and Monetary Union, and now, following the Irish public’s blocking maneuver, the uncertain fate of the new EU Constitutional Treaty (the “Lisbon Treaty”).
A similar weakness is evident in the EU’s attempt to define itself in the global system. Energy security, climate change, the rise of China, and the revival of Russia are among the many issues that require effective responses. Often, however, the EU cannot respond or can do so only slowly, because its structure obstructs quick decisions and fast action. This structure was appropriate in an era when the free market was practically the only issue that the EU had to confront at the global level. But that era is over.
Change is rendered more difficult by the insufficient democratic legitimacy of EU bodies. The lack of a direct relationship with Europe’s people deprives these bodies of the pressure required to bring about rapid action and responsive policies.
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Given strong odds that we will face another pandemic, the international community is rightly engaged in discussions about how to do better next time. But the latest United Nations agreement on the issue offers mere platitudes, rather than the kind of concrete measures needed to stay ahead of a new pathogen.
explains what governments need to do to demonstrate that they are taking the threat seriously.
While China was an early mover in regulating generative AI, it is also highly supportive of the technology and the companies developing it. Chinese AI firms might even have a competitive advantage over their American and European counterparts, which are facing strong regulatory headwinds and proliferating legal challenges.
thinks the rules governing generative artificial intelligence give domestic firms a competitive advantage.
ATHENS – European integration implies successive transfers of national sovereignty to the Union. But, while member states readily comply with decisions that abolish protective measures – say, import duties – they hesitate to formulate or advance policies that would grant the European Union discretionary powers to take initiatives. Typical examples of this are the stalled Lisbon Strategy, the incomplete Economic and Monetary Union, and now, following the Irish public’s blocking maneuver, the uncertain fate of the new EU Constitutional Treaty (the “Lisbon Treaty”).
A similar weakness is evident in the EU’s attempt to define itself in the global system. Energy security, climate change, the rise of China, and the revival of Russia are among the many issues that require effective responses. Often, however, the EU cannot respond or can do so only slowly, because its structure obstructs quick decisions and fast action. This structure was appropriate in an era when the free market was practically the only issue that the EU had to confront at the global level. But that era is over.
Change is rendered more difficult by the insufficient democratic legitimacy of EU bodies. The lack of a direct relationship with Europe’s people deprives these bodies of the pressure required to bring about rapid action and responsive policies.
To continue reading, register now.
Subscribe now for unlimited access to everything PS has to offer.
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