El futuro constitucional de Europa

La semana pasada, el Presidente de la Convención Europea, Valery Giscard d'Estaing, presentó un borrador preliminar para una futura Constitución de Europa. Se incluyeron todos los ingredientes de una constitución (valores, principios, derechos de los ciudadanos, las competencias de la Unión y de las instituciones que la componen, etc.). Este documento surgió a pesar del hecho de que el mandato de la Convención no otorgaba a los delegados la facultad de producir una constitución. De acuerdo con la Declaración de Niza, que ayudé a redactar como uno de los primeros ministros participantes, nuestra función era sólo simplificar y reestructurar los tratados básicos de la UE.

A medida que la Convención desarrollaba sus tareas, nuestro mandato fue transformado debido a varias presiones. Estas provenían de países miembros, organizaciones de la sociedad civil, y de cartas, documentos y mensajes de correo electrónico desde toda Europa. La presión democrática modificó nuestro mandato. ¡Cuando incluso el Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores de Gran Bretaña, un país feliz con su "constitución no escrita" de siglos de antigüedad, se manifiesta ansioso de tener una Constitución Europea, verdaderamente algo ha cambiado!

Sin embargo, académicos como Ralph Dahrendorf y Joseph Weiler sugieren que una Constitución Europea no tiene sentido, porque una constitución democrática presupone una notable identidad en común, la que no está presente en una UE donde todavía prevalecen las lealtades nacionales individuales. Otros, como Robert Dahl, argumentan que la democracia requiere de comunidades más pequeñas, basadas en intereses personales y relaciones personales. Para ellos, Europa es quizás demasiado grande para poder crear instituciones verdaderamente democráticas.

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