The Russian state’s ideological madness and reversion to warlordism have been abetted by a religious fundamentalism that openly celebrates death in the name of achieving a god-like status. As Vladimir Putin’s propagandists are telling Russians, “Life is overrated.”
traces the religious and intellectual roots of the Kremlin’s increasingly morbid war propaganda.
It is hard to reconcile the jubilant mood of many business leaders with the uncertainty caused by the war in Ukraine. While there are some positive signs of economic recovery, a sudden escalation could severely destabilize the global economy, cause a stock market crash, and accelerate deglobalization.
warns that the Ukraine war and economic fragmentation are still jeopardizing world growth prospects.
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美国剑桥—今年的美国大选有一个特点:奥巴马的潜在共和党挑战者无不要求对美国外交政策来个彻底变革。竞选口号总是比最后的落实要极端得多,但世界各国应该仍会对美国外交政策变革感到担忧。事情并不总能遂人愿望的。
在2000年美国总统大选中,外交政策几乎没有起到任何作用。2001年,小布什开始了他的首个任期,一开始,他对外交政策并不感兴趣,但在2001年9·11恐怖袭击之后倒向了变革型外交。与伍德罗·威尔逊、富兰克林·罗斯福和哈里·杜鲁门等前任一样,当危机来临时,布什高举民主大旗,振臂一呼,应者云集。
比尔·克林顿也曾谈及要在美国外交政策中加大人权和民主的作用,但大多数美国人在20世纪90年代追求的是正常化和后冷战时期的和平红利,而不是变化。相反,被称为布什主义的2002年国家安全战略高调宣布美国将“挖出并清除恐怖主义者,连同他们所依赖的制度一并消灭,无论他们藏身何处。”解决恐怖主义的办法是将民主输送到世界各地。
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