Vladimir Putin's distinctively Russian blend of authoritarian politics and dirigiste economics took root in a climate of economic hardship and civic apathy. Now, with civic engagement and activism on the rise, Putinism's standard-bearers are running scared.
MOSCOW – How did “Putinism” – that distinctively Russian blend of authoritarian politics and dirigiste economics – happen? And, now that it has, how can Russians move beyond it, to realize the rights and liberties promised to them in the country’s constitution?
An active Russian civil society, which seemed to appear out of nowhere in Mikhail Gorbachev’s Soviet Union of 1989-1990 after the long Soviet hibernation, receded far too quickly. The astounding difficulty of everyday survival following the USSR’s collapse trapped most Russians into focusing on their families’ most urgent needs. Civic apathy set in.
So Vladimir Putin came to power at a very convenient moment for any ruler – when the people are quiescent. Cunningly, Putin then strapped this apathy to the first shoots of post-Soviet economic growth in order to conclude a new social contract: he would raise living standards in exchange for ordinary Russians’ acceptance of severe limits on their constitutional rights and liberties.
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While China was an early mover in regulating generative AI, it is also highly supportive of the technology and the companies developing it. Chinese AI firms might even have a competitive advantage over their American and European counterparts, which are facing strong regulatory headwinds and proliferating legal challenges.
thinks the rules governing generative artificial intelligence give domestic firms a competitive advantage.
After years in the political wilderness, the UK Labour Party is now far ahead in opinion polls, with sensible plans for improving the country's economic performance. But to translate promises into results, any future government will have to do something about the elephant in the room: chronic under-investment.
explains what it will take for any political party to restore hope in the country's long-term economic future.
MOSCOW – How did “Putinism” – that distinctively Russian blend of authoritarian politics and dirigiste economics – happen? And, now that it has, how can Russians move beyond it, to realize the rights and liberties promised to them in the country’s constitution?
An active Russian civil society, which seemed to appear out of nowhere in Mikhail Gorbachev’s Soviet Union of 1989-1990 after the long Soviet hibernation, receded far too quickly. The astounding difficulty of everyday survival following the USSR’s collapse trapped most Russians into focusing on their families’ most urgent needs. Civic apathy set in.
So Vladimir Putin came to power at a very convenient moment for any ruler – when the people are quiescent. Cunningly, Putin then strapped this apathy to the first shoots of post-Soviet economic growth in order to conclude a new social contract: he would raise living standards in exchange for ordinary Russians’ acceptance of severe limits on their constitutional rights and liberties.
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