Dean Rohrer

Agression d’état et passivité judiciaire

WASHINGTON – Lorsque les états membres de la Cour Pénale Internationale se réuniront ce mois-ci à Kampala en Ouganda pour une conférence de révision du travail de la CPI, ils devront débattre de l’éventualité d’amender les statuts de la CPI pour lui permettre d’ajouter le crime d’agression à ses compétences. Cette question avait été différée lors de l’adoption des statuts en 1998. Ma propre expérience de procureur international, et soutien inconditionnel de la CPI, m’autorise à dire que se serait une grave erreur que d’ajouter le crime d’agression à la juridiction de la cour. Il serait bon de différer à nouveau cette question.

A tout point de vue, la CPI a connu un démarrage remarquable en ralliant un soutien international et en démontrant son potentiel pour confronter les problèmes d’impunité officielle pour les crimes internationaux graves. Mais la cour s’est aussi vu reprocher un excès de politisation, et continue à apprendre, en tant qu’institution, comment exercer efficacement sa juridiction sur le génocide, les crimes contre l’humanité et les crimes de guerre.

Lorsque les membres de la CPI débattront de savoir s’il faut ajouter les crimes d’agression à ses compétences, ils ne devraient pas oublier l’expérience du Tribunal Pénal International pour l’ex-Yougoslavie (TPIY), qui a aussi abordé les questions de génocide, des crimes contre l’humanité et des crimes de guerre.

To continue reading, please log in or enter your email address.

Registration is quick and easy and requires only your email address. If you already have an account with us, please log in. Or subscribe now for unlimited access.

required

Log in

http://prosyn.org/mSgsdUa/fr;
  1. China corruption Isaac Lawrence/Getty Images

    The Next Battle in China’s War on Corruption

    • Chinese President Xi Jinping knows well the threat that corruption poses to the authority of the Communist Party of China and the state it controls. 
    • But moving beyond Xi's anti-corruption purge to build robust and lasting anti-graft institutions will not be easy, owing to enduring opportunities for bureaucratic capture.
  2. Italy unemployed demonstration SalvatoreEsposito/Barcroftimages / Barcroft Media via Getty Images

    Putting Europe’s Long-Term Unemployed Back to Work

    Across the European Union, millions of people who are willing and able to work have been unemployed for a year or longer, at great cost to social cohesion and political stability. If the EU is serious about stopping the rise of populism, it will need to do more to ensure that labor markets are working for everyone.

  3. Latin America market Federico Parra/Getty Images

    A Belt and Road for the Americas?

    In a time of global uncertainty, a vision of “made in the Americas” prosperity provides a unifying agenda for the continent. If implemented, the US could reassert its historical leadership among a group of countries that share its fundamental values, as well as an interest in inclusive economic growth and rising living standards.

  4. Startup office Mladlen Antonov/Getty Images

    How Best to Promote Research and Development

    Clearly, there is something appealing about a start-up-based innovation strategy: it feels democratic, accessible, and so California. But it is definitely not the only way to boost research and development, or even the main way, and it is certainly not the way most major innovations in the US came about during the twentieth century.

  5. Trump Trade speech Bill Pugliano/Getty Images .

    Preparing for the Trump Trade Wars

    In the first 11 months of his presidency, Donald Trump has failed to back up his words – or tweets – with action on a variety of fronts. But the rest of the world's governments, and particularly those in Asia and Europe, would be mistaken to assume that he won't follow through on his promised "America First" trade agenda.