Sobreponerse a Kosovo

LONDRES – La reciente declaración unilateral de independencia de Kosovo me trajo recuerdos. En marzo de 1999 yo me opuse públicamente a los ataques de la OTAN contra Serbia – llevados a cabo para proteger a los kosovares de las atrocidades serbias. En ese momento yo era miembro de las bancas delanteras de la oposición – o gobierno fantasma – de la Cámara de los Lores de Inglaterra. El líder conservador de entonces, William Hague, inmediatamente me expulsó a las “bancas traseras”. Así terminó mi (poco importante) carrera política. Desde entonces me he preguntado si tuve o no razón.

Me opuse a la intervención militar por dos razones. Primero, aduje que si bien podría hacer un bien a nivel local, dañaría las reglas de las relaciones internacionales como se entendían en ese entonces. La Carta de las Naciones Unidas fue diseñada para impedir el uso de la fuerza a través de las fronteras nacionales salvo en casos de autodefensa o para aplicar medidas ordenadas por el Consejo de Seguridad. Los derechos humanos, la democracia y la autodeterminación no eran motivos aceptables para emprender una guerra.

En segundo lugar, argumenté que si bien podía haber ocasiones en las que, independientemente del derecho internacional, los abusos contra los derechos humanos fueran tan severos que se tuviera la obligación moral de intervenir, Kosovo no estaba en ese caso. Yo consideraba que el “inminente desastre humanitario” que la intervención supuestamente debía impedir era en gran medida un invento. Sostuve además que los medios no militares para resolver la cuestión humanitaria en Kosovo distaban de haberse agotado, y que el fracaso de las negociaciones de Rambouillet con Serbia en febrero y marzo de 1999 era, en palabras de Henry Kissinger, “simplemente un pretexto para empezar el bombardeo”.

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