As Argentina's economy lost access to credit in late 2001, the government resorted to desperate measures in a vain attempt to avert disaster. Privatized pension funds--created in 1994 as a result of a Social Security reform based on individual accounts vested in bonds and equities--were one casualty. The government forcibly rescheduled the public debt holdings of these funds, known locally as AFJP. It also "pesofied" these holdings, which in mid-2001 amounted to more than 60% of the pension funds' portfolios, in effect converting dollar-denominated assets into local pesos overnight.
This "confiscation" occurred after several years in which high-risk government securities obtained very large returns. Between September 1994 (the year of their inception) and January 2001, the AFJP yielded an average annual rate of return of 10.9% in US dollars--nearly 600 basis points above the return obtainable from US Treasury Bills.
There is an obvious lesson to be learned from Argentina's experience: if pension funds invest heavily in risky public-sector obligations--a common strategy in Latin America throughout the transition from state-funded pay-as-you-go systems to schemes based on individual capitalized accounts--repayment will be at risk from the outset. Pension funds might be subjected to arbitrary treatment. But this is precisely the situation that Social Security reform was supposed to eliminate.
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The long-standing economic consensus that interest rates would remain low indefinitely, making debt cost-free, is no longer tenable. Even if inflation declines, soaring debt levels, deglobalization, and populist pressures will keep rates higher for the next decade than they were in the decade following the 2008 financial crisis.
thinks that policymakers and economists must reassess their beliefs in light of current market realities.
Since the 1990s, Western companies have invested a fortune in the Chinese economy, and tens of thousands of Chinese students have studied in US and European universities or worked in Western companies. None of this made China more democratic, and now it is heading toward an economic showdown with the US.
argue that the strategy of economic engagement has failed to mitigate the Chinese regime’s behavior.
As Argentina's economy lost access to credit in late 2001, the government resorted to desperate measures in a vain attempt to avert disaster. Privatized pension funds--created in 1994 as a result of a Social Security reform based on individual accounts vested in bonds and equities--were one casualty. The government forcibly rescheduled the public debt holdings of these funds, known locally as AFJP. It also "pesofied" these holdings, which in mid-2001 amounted to more than 60% of the pension funds' portfolios, in effect converting dollar-denominated assets into local pesos overnight.
This "confiscation" occurred after several years in which high-risk government securities obtained very large returns. Between September 1994 (the year of their inception) and January 2001, the AFJP yielded an average annual rate of return of 10.9% in US dollars--nearly 600 basis points above the return obtainable from US Treasury Bills.
There is an obvious lesson to be learned from Argentina's experience: if pension funds invest heavily in risky public-sector obligations--a common strategy in Latin America throughout the transition from state-funded pay-as-you-go systems to schemes based on individual capitalized accounts--repayment will be at risk from the outset. Pension funds might be subjected to arbitrary treatment. But this is precisely the situation that Social Security reform was supposed to eliminate.
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