The latest last-minute deal to raise the US debt limit does not solve the underlying political problem. On the contrary, with the country on track for a Biden-Trump rematch next year – a contest that Trump just might win – the truce is likely to be short-lived.
sees little reason to believe the latest last-minute deal will be anything more than a short-lived truce.
去年十月,阿里巴巴创始人马云在第二届外滩金融峰会上批评指出中国金融监管之弊,该演讲一石激起千层浪,引发民众激烈讨论。随后,一场铺天盖地的监管风暴袭来,令中国的线上金融及消费业为之一“震”。阿里旗下的金融科技巨头蚂蚁集团首当其冲,其首次公开募股(IPO)计划在距正式发行仅剩两天时被上交所紧急叫停,此后,中国一众科技巨头也相继经受了监管机构的雷霆手段。然而,马云的演讲对这场监管风暴充其量仅有推波助澜之效,中国的官僚政治体制的运作逻辑才是从根本上阻断蚂蚁集团上市之路的核心原因。
正如我在自己的新书中所言,在中国的官僚体系之中,权力分散于各中央部委及各级地方政府;而一个部门对某行业的监管态度及监管策略,往往取决于该部门自身的功能定位和发展目标。
长期以来,中国都采用“一行三会”的组织架构对其金融业实施监管。其中,中国人民银行(央行)负责制定货币政策及宏观审慎监管政策,而银监会、保监会与证监会则负责监管其各自职能所辖行业。但是,“一行三会”之间存在职能重叠、缺乏协同等组织架构性问题,使得一些非金融企业得以进行监管套利,典型的例子如牵涉安邦保险集团及明天集团的数起金融丑闻所引发的市场动荡。
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