While carbon pricing and industrial policies may have enabled policymakers in the United States and Europe to avoid difficult political choices, we cannot rely on these tools to achieve crucial climate goals. Climate policies must move away from focusing on green taxes and subsidies and enter the age of politics.
explains why achieving climate goals requires a broader combination of sector-specific policy instruments.
The long-standing economic consensus that interest rates would remain low indefinitely, making debt cost-free, is no longer tenable. Even if inflation declines, soaring debt levels, deglobalization, and populist pressures will keep rates higher for the next decade than they were in the decade following the 2008 financial crisis.
thinks that policymakers and economists must reassess their beliefs in light of current market realities.
发自纽黑文—当美国民主党参议员乔•曼钦(Joe Manchin)宣布他不会支持总统拜登的《重建更好未来法案》时(这等于判了总统这项标志性立法动议死刑),他引述的理由是美国“惊人的负债”。他的这一担忧与拜登的那些共和党反对者的担忧不谋而合,后者坚持认为所有的支出都会扩大赤字,致使子孙后代被沉重的税收负担压得抬不起头来。
但这种情况真会发生吗?现代货币理论的拥护者们可能有不同的看法。
《重建更好未来法案》的反对者遵循传统的李嘉图式假设,即政府就跟一家私营企业一样,必须随着时间的推移平衡其预算。而现代货币理论则认为只要债务是以一个国家本国货币来计价发行的,其政府就不会出现违约。过度的政府支出会助长通胀,但只要价格稳定,政府就可以花钱度日,用财政赤字——而非税收收入——来支持就业和资助公共产品。
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