Pedro Molina

La renaissance de l'État-nation

CAMBRIDGE – L'un des mythes fondateurs de notre ère est que la mondialisation a relégué l'État-nation au rang de figurant. Les frontières se seraient volatilisées, dit-on, en raison des bouleversements du transport et des communications qui auraient rétréci le monde. Les nouveaux modes de gouvernance, s'étalant des réseaux transnationaux de régulateurs aux organismes de la société civile internationale en passant par des institutions multilatérales, transcendent et remplacent les législateurs nationaux. Selon plusieurs, les décideurs politiques des nations seraient en grande partie impuissants devant les marchés mondiaux.

La crise financière mondiale a démonté ce mythe. Qui donc a remis à flot les banques, réamorcé la pompe des liquidités, pris le virage de la relance budgétaire et donné aux chômeurs un filet de sécurité empêchant ainsi que tout ne vire à la catastrophe ? Qui est en train de réécrire les règles de surveillance et de règlementation des marchés financiers afin d'éviter que cela ne se reproduise ? Qui est le plus souvent tenu responsable de tout ce qui ne tourne pas rond ? La réponse est la même partout : les gouvernements nationaux. Le G-20, le Fonds monétaire international et le Comité de Bâle sur le contrôle bancaire n'étant en majeure partie que des spectacles d'apparat.

Même en Europe, où les institutions régionales sont relativement fortes, c'est l'intérêt national et les décideurs publics nationaux, incarnés principalement par la chancelière allemande Angela Merkel, qui domine le processus de formulation des politiques. Si Merkel était moins entichée des mesures d'austérité pour les pays européens surendettés et si elle réussissait à convaincre l'électorat de son pays de la nécessité d'une autre approche, la crise de la zone euro se déroulerait de façon bien différente.

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