L'inévitabilité de la démocratie chinoise

Quinze années auparavant, Fang Hongin manifestait sur la place Tienanmen. Quelques années auparavant, à Beijing, il dirigeait l'une des émissions télévisées les plus populaires de Chine, testant chaque semaine les limites de l'indulgence des autorités. Aujourd'hui, il dirige Dragon TV, la principale station de Shanghai, et des publicités le mettant en vedette sont suspendues aux gratte-ciels de la ville.

Hu Shuli appartient à la même génération : la journaliste que le magazine Economist a surnommé la " femme la plus dangereuse de Chine ", dont le premier emploi consistait à s'occuper de la presse du Parti, dirige désormais Caijng , un magazine économique qui parle de corruption, exposant les hommes d'affaires et les fonctionnaires.

Ce serait toutefois une erreur d'interpréter ces expériences de presse libre comme des signes indiquant que la démocratie en Chine va bientôt voir le jour. Le Parti permet à Caijng d'exposer la corruption car ces actions lui permettent de mettre fin à la maladie la plus grave de la Chine. " Le premier droit civil consiste à échapper à la pauvreté, explique Yongtu Long, l'un des négociateurs chinois à l'OMC. En 15 ans, nous avons sorti 200 millions d'individus de la pauvreté ; 700 millions de Chinois ont aujourd'hui accès à l'électricité, un luxe inconnu 15 ans auparavant. C'est la raison pour laquelle nous nous consacrons en priorité à la croissance : tout le reste, pour parler franchement, est de moindre importance. "

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