MOSCOW: For many Russians, August is a month for their dachas. But it is also a month with a developing tradition as a time to change the country. August 1991 was such a time because of the attempted coup against my government. That coup attempt failed, but Russia was changed forever. This August we are also engaged (more quietly) in re-examining executive power in Russia, and also in an ongoing effort to correct many of the changes made by President Yeltsin in the wake of August, 1991.
The brainless imposition of market rules upon almost every aspect of society, rules which were pushed by a small circle in the Yeltsin government, has given way to more balanced efforts at reform. Indeed, in July left-leaning tendencies were revealed as much more pronounced among the electorate. This fact has not escaped President Putin’s notice.
By his initiative various commissions were assigned the task of analyzing important reforms and the directions Russia should now take. This allowed formerly ignored views to play a key role in policymaking. For example, the restructuring that Anatoli Chubais, Boris Yeltsin’s former economics guru, planned to impose on United Energy Systems (Russia’s electricity monopoly) were revamped in positive ways by one of the President’s commissions. Socially informed views also played a key part in drafting a new Labor Code, housing and pension reform, and improvements to the nation’s educational structures.
Vladimir Putin promoted these changes. His actions reflect his realization that social conditions are continuing to decline. Needless to say, the desired results are not evident yet; their arrival will depend as much on the public’s attitude as on written policy. But what is impressive here is President Putin’s realism, for his policies can secure majority support among the population. Under President Yeltsin, public opinion about reform was disdained.
The Russian United Social Democratic Party (ROSDP) – which I helped to found – is one force that supports the new tendency pursued by President Putin. It is our belief that in education, for example, today’s conditions are blatantly unconstitutional. Article 43 of the Russian Constitution, indeed, provides a government guarantee of access to free education for everyone, as well as free higher education for those admitted on the basis of competitive admission tests.
Yet, despite these guarantees, a money hungry education system prevails. It is impoverishing education and will soon deprive Russia of its traditionally high intellectual achievements. To correct this, increased state financing is vital. Teachers need to be paid at least twice as much as they are now, for their wages are only half those of (poorly paid) industrial workers. State investment in textbooks, maps, televisions, computers, and technical support will also be required if Russian education is to keep up and surpass world standards.
The money grubbing attitude also extends to health, where commercialization of state and municipal hospitals is another unconstitutional development – Article 41 of the Constitution guarantees free medical care. However, free medical help is no longer available for most people. Given the nation's deteriorating health conditions, the effect of cutting people off from health care because they can’t pay is disastrous, particularly for the older generation.
Social democrats such as those in my party favor a social state, which is why, despite our basic support for President Putin, we still criticized the new Labor Code. Of course, the needs of the market must be considered, but labor law cannot be written solely in the interests of employers. Human interests must be protected above all others; and if not, we will end up with never-ending social and economic instability. If the government wants to develop a social partnership with our people, a labor law reflecting this desire is the place to begin.
As to housing and reform of utilities like electricity, sadly, official policy seems to go with the flow. But why must people pay more to cover up for managerial incompetence? Meetings our party organized in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Pskov and some regions of Siberia show that if services function effectively gas, electricity, water are not overused. So prices need not be raised enormously in order to control waste. Indeed, when smart administration occurs, the costs of housing and utilities are reduced substantially. As now proposed, reform will only create new private monopolies, which will be harder to tame than the old state ones.
At the root of all the failures of the past decade is the fact that, for most of those ten years, reformers failed to think about the people whose lives they wanted to reform. They never considered the impact of their schemes on everyday life. But social accord will not exist if, as a result of reform, people’s spending increases by more than half while their wages go up only a quarter. Such an approach creates instability, as we saw all too often during President Yeltsin’s tenure. Public discussion about the results of proposed reforms must occur before they become laws otherwise it will be too late to change them.
All who consider democratic freedoms, social justice, and the people’s well-being more than empty words – indeed, as the essence of Russian values – must support President Putin’s efforts to rebuild our country in a fair way for everyone. But the President, too, must play his part by evaluating the people around him for their devotion to his outlook. He should not only evaluate them on their support for him personally, but also on their active support of what he stands for.
If he does, President Putin’s policies will be realistic and socially viable, and allow for Russia's national interests to be respected and maintained. This August, ten years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russians finally have a chance to consolidate their society around constructive goals. After a wasted decade, we cannot afford to miss this opportunity.
To have unlimited access to our content including in-depth commentaries, book reviews, exclusive interviews, PS OnPoint and PS The Big Picture, please subscribe
The escalating war in the Middle East must be understood in a broader context. The fact that the Iranian regime felt emboldened to risk a direct strike on Israel attests to a changing world order in which Western power is increasingly open to challenge.
considers the implications of Iran’s unprecedented decision to launch a direct strike on Israeli territory.
The brainless imposition of market rules upon almost every aspect of society, rules which were pushed by a small circle in the Yeltsin government, has given way to more balanced efforts at reform. Indeed, in July left-leaning tendencies were revealed as much more pronounced among the electorate. This fact has not escaped President Putin’s notice.
By his initiative various commissions were assigned the task of analyzing important reforms and the directions Russia should now take. This allowed formerly ignored views to play a key role in policymaking. For example, the restructuring that Anatoli Chubais, Boris Yeltsin’s former economics guru, planned to impose on United Energy Systems (Russia’s electricity monopoly) were revamped in positive ways by one of the President’s commissions. Socially informed views also played a key part in drafting a new Labor Code, housing and pension reform, and improvements to the nation’s educational structures.
Vladimir Putin promoted these changes. His actions reflect his realization that social conditions are continuing to decline. Needless to say, the desired results are not evident yet; their arrival will depend as much on the public’s attitude as on written policy. But what is impressive here is President Putin’s realism, for his policies can secure majority support among the population. Under President Yeltsin, public opinion about reform was disdained.
The Russian United Social Democratic Party (ROSDP) – which I helped to found – is one force that supports the new tendency pursued by President Putin. It is our belief that in education, for example, today’s conditions are blatantly unconstitutional. Article 43 of the Russian Constitution, indeed, provides a government guarantee of access to free education for everyone, as well as free higher education for those admitted on the basis of competitive admission tests.
Yet, despite these guarantees, a money hungry education system prevails. It is impoverishing education and will soon deprive Russia of its traditionally high intellectual achievements. To correct this, increased state financing is vital. Teachers need to be paid at least twice as much as they are now, for their wages are only half those of (poorly paid) industrial workers. State investment in textbooks, maps, televisions, computers, and technical support will also be required if Russian education is to keep up and surpass world standards.
The money grubbing attitude also extends to health, where commercialization of state and municipal hospitals is another unconstitutional development – Article 41 of the Constitution guarantees free medical care. However, free medical help is no longer available for most people. Given the nation's deteriorating health conditions, the effect of cutting people off from health care because they can’t pay is disastrous, particularly for the older generation.
Social democrats such as those in my party favor a social state, which is why, despite our basic support for President Putin, we still criticized the new Labor Code. Of course, the needs of the market must be considered, but labor law cannot be written solely in the interests of employers. Human interests must be protected above all others; and if not, we will end up with never-ending social and economic instability. If the government wants to develop a social partnership with our people, a labor law reflecting this desire is the place to begin.
As to housing and reform of utilities like electricity, sadly, official policy seems to go with the flow. But why must people pay more to cover up for managerial incompetence? Meetings our party organized in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Pskov and some regions of Siberia show that if services function effectively gas, electricity, water are not overused. So prices need not be raised enormously in order to control waste. Indeed, when smart administration occurs, the costs of housing and utilities are reduced substantially. As now proposed, reform will only create new private monopolies, which will be harder to tame than the old state ones.
At the root of all the failures of the past decade is the fact that, for most of those ten years, reformers failed to think about the people whose lives they wanted to reform. They never considered the impact of their schemes on everyday life. But social accord will not exist if, as a result of reform, people’s spending increases by more than half while their wages go up only a quarter. Such an approach creates instability, as we saw all too often during President Yeltsin’s tenure. Public discussion about the results of proposed reforms must occur before they become laws otherwise it will be too late to change them.
All who consider democratic freedoms, social justice, and the people’s well-being more than empty words – indeed, as the essence of Russian values – must support President Putin’s efforts to rebuild our country in a fair way for everyone. But the President, too, must play his part by evaluating the people around him for their devotion to his outlook. He should not only evaluate them on their support for him personally, but also on their active support of what he stands for.
If he does, President Putin’s policies will be realistic and socially viable, and allow for Russia's national interests to be respected and maintained. This August, ten years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russians finally have a chance to consolidate their society around constructive goals. After a wasted decade, we cannot afford to miss this opportunity.