Margaret Scott

Le Casse-tête Grec

L’euro a été établi de manière unique et inhabituelle ; la viabilité de sa construction est désormais au ban d’essai. Otmar Issing, l’un des pères de cette devise, a décrit à juste titre le principe sur lequel elle est fondéeampnbsp;: l’euro était censé être une union monétaire et non politique. Les états participants ont créé une banque centrale commune, mais ont bel et bien refusé de laisser le soin à une autorité commune de taxer leurs citoyens. Ce principe est consacré par l’article 125 du Traité de Maastricht, qui a toujours été appliqué avec rigueur par la cour constitutionnelle allemande.

Or, ce principe laisse manifestement à désirer. Une monnaie digne de ce nom a besoin à la fois d’une banque centrale et d’un trésor (ministère des finances). Inutile de taxer les citoyens sur une base quotidienne, le trésor se doit d'être présent en temps de crise. Lorsque le système financier menace de s'effondrer, la banque centrale fournit certes des liquidités, mais seul le trésor peut régler les problèmes de solvabilité. Toute personne impliquée dans le processus de création de l’euro aurait dû tenir compte de cette vérité générale. Issing reconnaît avoir été parmi ceux qui pensaient que «ampnbsp;commencer une union monétaire sans avoir établir d’union politique revenait à mettre la charrue avant les bœufsampnbsp;».

Et l’Union européenne a vu le jour pas à pas, en mettant la charrue avant les bœufs. Le calendrier et les objectifs fixés étaient limités, mais réalisables sur le plan politique. Les responsables étaient bien conscients qu'ils ne suffisaient pas et que d'autres étapes seraient nécessaires en temps et en heure. Mais, pour diverses raisons, le processus s’est ralenti avant de caler complètement. Désormais, l’UE est plus ou moins bloquée dans sa forme actuelle.

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