Der Balkan vor Gericht

Es scheint, als käme die lange währende Tragödie Serbiens nun zu einem Ende. Dem Tod von Slobodan Milosevic folgte gerade eine Volksabstimmung über die Unabhängigkeit Montenegros. Auch die Unabhängigkeit des Kosovo rückt immer näher.

Die Kriege in den Nachfolgestaaten des ehemaligen Jugoslawien waren nicht nur eine Belastungsprobe für die Völker des zerfallenen Landes, sondern warfen auch weitreichende Fragen im Hinblick auf die Ausübung internationaler Justiz auf. Werden ernsthafte Selbstreflexion und Aussöhnung in zerrütteten Gesellschaften durch internationale Tribunale, wie jenem vor dem Milosevic stand, gefördert oder verzögert? Wird die politische Stabilität, derer es bedarf, um die zerstörten Gemeinden und zerrütteten Ökonomien dieser Länder wieder aufzubauen, durch diese Tribunale gestärkt oder untergraben?

Die Antworten auf diese Fragen sind nicht eindeutig. Die Bilanz des in Den Haag ansässigen Internationalen Tribunals für das frühere Jugoslawien (ICTY) könnte durchaus aufschlussreich sein, wenn es darum geht, die Glaubwürdigkeit seiner Strategie zu beurteilen, wonach solche Prozesse als Teil der Bemühungen zu verstehen sind, Bürgerkriege und andere Kriege zu beeenden. In 13 Jahren gab das ICTY mit seinen 1.200 Mitarbeitern ungefähr 1,25 Mrd. Dollar aus, um lediglich ein paar Dutzend Kriegsverbrecher zu verurteilen. Hinzu kommt: Obwohl Vertreter aller ethnischen Gruppen Verbrechen begangen hatten, verhaftete und verfolgte das Tribunal in den ersten Jahren seines Bestehens viel mehr Serben als Angehörige anderer ethnischer Gruppen, womit sich sogar unter den Gegnern des Milosevic-Regimes der Eindruck verstärkte, das Tribunal wäre politisch motiviert und anti-serbisch.

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