China’s exceptional growth in recent decades has influenced the education and career choices of young people and their families. But now that high-skilled jobs are drying up and recent graduates are struggling to find work, there is a growing mismatch between expectations and new realities.
argues that the rise in joblessness among young people does not spell economic apocalypse for China.
Since 1960, only a few countries in Latin America have narrowed the gap between their per capita income and that of the United States, while most of the region has lagged far behind. Making up for lost ground will require a coordinated effort, involving both technocratic tinkering and bold political leadership.
explain what it will take finally to achieve economic convergence with advanced economies.
首尔/海牙——假如说民主有自己的末日时钟,那么,现在,还有两分钟就是午夜。据民主多样性组织(也就是所谓的V-Dem)最新分析显示,去年全世界有72%的人口生活在独裁统治之下,而十年前这一比例仅为50%。20多年来,独裁政权首次在数量上超过了自由民主国家——而我们并未采取足够措施来应对这一威胁。
这是一种令人震惊的逆转趋势。在菲律宾,绰号“邦邦”的小费迪南德·马科思赢得了去年的总统选举,就在36年前,一场民众起义推翻了其父的独裁统治。在巴西,成百上千万人仍拒绝接受前总统贾伊尔·博索纳罗输给路易斯·伊纳西奥·卢拉·达西尔瓦的现实。俄罗斯入侵乌克兰迫使其民众奋起反抗种族灭绝主义者的占领。而在埃及,最后残余的专治抵抗力量已被迫转入地下。在地球上每一块大陆,非自由政客都将民主体制描绘成不切实际的历史遗迹。
我们必须采取更多措施来阻止这种快速的民主倒退。在第2次世界大战期间,当民主体制遭遇类似威胁时,自由世界曾团结起来,建立了一种更加和平的国际秩序。长达数10年的相对稳定和国际人权合作来源于1944年在新罕布什尔州的布雷顿森林所建立的多边体系,以及第2年联合国的建立。
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