Having successfully integrated ten new members in May – including eight former communist countries with significantly lower levels of economic development – some argue that the EU should stop there. But drawing a line under the enlargement process would be both a missed opportunity for the EU and a cruel blow to those countries in the Balkans and elsewhere for whom the prospect of membership is an important incentive for reform and renewal.
Greece knows this very well. It was our belief in Europe as a catalyst for peace and prosperity that led us to support Turkey’s EU aspirations. When the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) government launched its policy of Greek-Turkish rapprochement during my tenure as foreign minister, many people were suspicious of mending ties with an old enemy. Changing entrenched attitudes could not happen overnight: it required a step-by-step process of confidence-building measures, from the grassroots level to the heights of political power.
Five years later, the results speak for themselves. Greece and Turkey have signed eighteen mutually beneficial agreements in areas ranging from trade and energy, to environmental protection and the fight against organized crime. There is no denying that strong bilateral ties are good for Greece’s economy and security.
But our proactive policy of rapprochement was not designed merely to serve national interests. It was part of a regional vision to promote stability from the Balkans to the Middle East. As a result, Greece and Turkey cooperated in humanitarian efforts in Kosovo and undertook a joint peace mission to Israel and Palestine. Greece and Turkey also worked together to prevent the war in Iraq from spilling over into neighboring countries.
Greek-Turkish rapprochement has created the framework for closer relations between Turkey and the EU. As a progressive party, PASOK has every interest in Turkey’s progress on democratic reforms. That is why we have always supported a real rather than “virtual” European candidacy for Turkey – with full rights, but also with full responsibilities for completing the domestic reforms that have so far been implemented as a result of Turkey’s enhanced “Accession Partnership” with the EU.
Turkey’s governing Justice and Development Party (AKP) was elected on a pro-European platform, reflecting the public’s demand for modernization and democratization. The biggest obstacles to membership are Turkey’s record on human and minority rights and the inordinate power of the military. Clear EU benchmarks and targets for reform will help, but it is now up to the AKP government to show the necessary political will to fulfill its membership obligations.
Access every new PS commentary, our entire On Point suite of subscriber-exclusive content – including Longer Reads, Insider Interviews, Big Picture/Big Question, and Say More – and the full PS archive.
Subscribe Now
However, Turks are all too aware of the passions that their country’s EU candidacy stokes in Europe. Several EU leaders have claimed that Turkish membership would spark a wave of migration and strain the European economy. Others see no place for a Muslim country in Europe.
None of these objections is persuasive. If properly managed, migration can enhance Europe’s cultural wealth and meet its labor-market needs, as fertility rates in the EU fall and its population ages. Immigrants come to Europe in large measure because Europe needs them. At the same time, to deny Turkey a European future on religious grounds is to deny our Union’s diversity. Democracy is a universal value, not the property of specific religions.
Moreover, welcoming a country like Turkey will send a positive signal to the Muslim world. It will allay the growing tensions between Christianity and Islam fueled by international terrorism and knee-jerk nationalism. Unlike the “war on terrorism,” European integration can serve as a model for resolving the underlying crises of the Middle East and addressing the roots of violence in the wider region.
In particular, the Ecumenical Patriarchate in Istanbul could be a great example of peaceful coexistence among Christians and Muslims. For Orthodoxy, the Ecumenical Patriarchate is in many ways the equivalent of Mecca. Allowing the Patriarchate to flourish, and reopening the Theological School on the island of Halki, would underscore Turkey’s progress on human and minority rights. Turkey should view the Patriarchate not as a threat, but as an important asset – a bridge to Europe.
Similarly, Cyprus’s entry into the EU, coupled with Turkey’s EU aspirations, has created a unique catalyst for tearing down the “Berlin Wall” that runs through the capital, Nicosia, separating the island’s Christian and Muslim communities. If Turkey is serious about joining the European family, it must recognize the Republic of Cyprus – like any other member state. A road map must be drawn up for the withdrawal of Turkish troops from Cyprus and a settlement of the political division of the island.
At Helsinki in December 1999, the EU agreed that Turkey must resolve its differences with its neighbors peacefully by the end of 2004, within the framework of EU and international law; otherwise, any outstanding dispute would be settled at the International Court of Justice. The time has now come for the EU to assess Turkey’s progress on these issues and for Turkey to fulfill its obligations.
As negotiations proceed in the years ahead, it is in the international community's interest to support Turkey’s European future, while making a constructive contribution to end the division of Cyprus, so that the progress we have achieved is not lost. From religious and ethnic conflict, Europe can once again forge a model of peaceful cooperation – this time by creating an integrated zone of stability in the Eastern Mediterranean.
To have unlimited access to our content including in-depth commentaries, book reviews, exclusive interviews, PS OnPoint and PS The Big Picture, please subscribe
Iran’s mass ballistic missile and drone attack on Israel last week raised anew the specter of a widening Middle East war that draws in Iran and its proxies, as well as Western countries like the United States. The urgent need to defuse tensions – starting by ending Israel’s war in Gaza and pursuing a lasting political solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict – is obvious, but can it be done?
The most successful development stories almost always involve major shifts in the sources of economic growth, which in turn allow economies to reinvent themselves out of necessity or by design. In China, the interplay of mounting external pressures, lagging household consumption, and falling productivity will increasingly shape China’s policy choices in the years ahead.
explains why the Chinese authorities should switch to a consumption- and productivity-led growth model.
Designing a progressive anti-violence strategy that delivers the safety for which a huge share of Latin Americans crave is perhaps the most difficult challenge facing many of the region’s governments. But it is also the most important.
urge the region’s progressives to start treating security as an essential component of social protection.
Having successfully integrated ten new members in May – including eight former communist countries with significantly lower levels of economic development – some argue that the EU should stop there. But drawing a line under the enlargement process would be both a missed opportunity for the EU and a cruel blow to those countries in the Balkans and elsewhere for whom the prospect of membership is an important incentive for reform and renewal.
Greece knows this very well. It was our belief in Europe as a catalyst for peace and prosperity that led us to support Turkey’s EU aspirations. When the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) government launched its policy of Greek-Turkish rapprochement during my tenure as foreign minister, many people were suspicious of mending ties with an old enemy. Changing entrenched attitudes could not happen overnight: it required a step-by-step process of confidence-building measures, from the grassroots level to the heights of political power.
Five years later, the results speak for themselves. Greece and Turkey have signed eighteen mutually beneficial agreements in areas ranging from trade and energy, to environmental protection and the fight against organized crime. There is no denying that strong bilateral ties are good for Greece’s economy and security.
But our proactive policy of rapprochement was not designed merely to serve national interests. It was part of a regional vision to promote stability from the Balkans to the Middle East. As a result, Greece and Turkey cooperated in humanitarian efforts in Kosovo and undertook a joint peace mission to Israel and Palestine. Greece and Turkey also worked together to prevent the war in Iraq from spilling over into neighboring countries.
Greek-Turkish rapprochement has created the framework for closer relations between Turkey and the EU. As a progressive party, PASOK has every interest in Turkey’s progress on democratic reforms. That is why we have always supported a real rather than “virtual” European candidacy for Turkey – with full rights, but also with full responsibilities for completing the domestic reforms that have so far been implemented as a result of Turkey’s enhanced “Accession Partnership” with the EU.
Turkey’s governing Justice and Development Party (AKP) was elected on a pro-European platform, reflecting the public’s demand for modernization and democratization. The biggest obstacles to membership are Turkey’s record on human and minority rights and the inordinate power of the military. Clear EU benchmarks and targets for reform will help, but it is now up to the AKP government to show the necessary political will to fulfill its membership obligations.
Subscribe to PS Digital
Access every new PS commentary, our entire On Point suite of subscriber-exclusive content – including Longer Reads, Insider Interviews, Big Picture/Big Question, and Say More – and the full PS archive.
Subscribe Now
However, Turks are all too aware of the passions that their country’s EU candidacy stokes in Europe. Several EU leaders have claimed that Turkish membership would spark a wave of migration and strain the European economy. Others see no place for a Muslim country in Europe.
None of these objections is persuasive. If properly managed, migration can enhance Europe’s cultural wealth and meet its labor-market needs, as fertility rates in the EU fall and its population ages. Immigrants come to Europe in large measure because Europe needs them. At the same time, to deny Turkey a European future on religious grounds is to deny our Union’s diversity. Democracy is a universal value, not the property of specific religions.
Moreover, welcoming a country like Turkey will send a positive signal to the Muslim world. It will allay the growing tensions between Christianity and Islam fueled by international terrorism and knee-jerk nationalism. Unlike the “war on terrorism,” European integration can serve as a model for resolving the underlying crises of the Middle East and addressing the roots of violence in the wider region.
In particular, the Ecumenical Patriarchate in Istanbul could be a great example of peaceful coexistence among Christians and Muslims. For Orthodoxy, the Ecumenical Patriarchate is in many ways the equivalent of Mecca. Allowing the Patriarchate to flourish, and reopening the Theological School on the island of Halki, would underscore Turkey’s progress on human and minority rights. Turkey should view the Patriarchate not as a threat, but as an important asset – a bridge to Europe.
Similarly, Cyprus’s entry into the EU, coupled with Turkey’s EU aspirations, has created a unique catalyst for tearing down the “Berlin Wall” that runs through the capital, Nicosia, separating the island’s Christian and Muslim communities. If Turkey is serious about joining the European family, it must recognize the Republic of Cyprus – like any other member state. A road map must be drawn up for the withdrawal of Turkish troops from Cyprus and a settlement of the political division of the island.
At Helsinki in December 1999, the EU agreed that Turkey must resolve its differences with its neighbors peacefully by the end of 2004, within the framework of EU and international law; otherwise, any outstanding dispute would be settled at the International Court of Justice. The time has now come for the EU to assess Turkey’s progress on these issues and for Turkey to fulfill its obligations.
As negotiations proceed in the years ahead, it is in the international community's interest to support Turkey’s European future, while making a constructive contribution to end the division of Cyprus, so that the progress we have achieved is not lost. From religious and ethnic conflict, Europe can once again forge a model of peaceful cooperation – this time by creating an integrated zone of stability in the Eastern Mediterranean.