也许证明这并非是一场意识形态驱动的剧变的最佳证据便是其触发因素:经济衰退。十多年来,该地区依靠“二十一世纪社会主义”,已故的委内瑞拉总统查韦斯以此激励玻利维亚美洲人民联盟(Alliance for the Peoples of Our America,ALBA)和包括加勒比国家和委内瑞拉在内的石油联盟(Petrocaribe)等组织。但经济崩溃、恶性通胀和食物短缺摧毁了对这套制度的信念。
For decades, US policymakers have preferred piecemeal tactical actions, while the Chinese government has consistently taken a more strategic approach. This mismatch is the reason why Huawei, to the shock of sanctions-focused American officials, was able to make a processor breakthrough in its flagship smartphone.
warns that short-termism will never be enough to offset the long-term benefits of strategic thinking.
With a democratic recession underway in many countries, one now commonly hears talk of democratic “backsliding” on a global scale. But not only is that term misleading; it also breeds fatalism, diverting our attention from potential paths out of the new authoritarianism.
thinks the language commonly used to describe the shift toward authoritarianism is hampering solutions.
Ashoka Mody
explains the roots of the lack of accountability in India, highlights shortcomings in human capital and gender equality, casts doubt on the country’s ability to assume a Chinese-style role in manufacturing, and more.
波哥大—长期执政的查韦斯主义政府在最近的委内瑞拉议会选举中遭遇惨败,执政12年的阿根廷庇隆主义统治亦然,这标志着拉美多国左翼霸权周期的结束。但这并非标志意识形态冲突复萌的政治分水岭。相反,这是一场转向政治务实主义的克制的转型。只是极好的消息。
也许证明这并非是一场意识形态驱动的剧变的最佳证据便是其触发因素:经济衰退。十多年来,该地区依靠“二十一世纪社会主义”,已故的委内瑞拉总统查韦斯以此激励玻利维亚美洲人民联盟(Alliance for the Peoples of Our America,ALBA)和包括加勒比国家和委内瑞拉在内的石油联盟(Petrocaribe)等组织。但经济崩溃、恶性通胀和食物短缺摧毁了对这套制度的信念。
应该指出,同样的因素——主要是恶劣的全球环境所致——让拉美左翼政党通过抨击前任的市场导向政策赢得和巩固了权力。2002年,巴西人选择了总统卢拉;2001年,阿根廷人选择了内斯托尔·基什内尔。2012年,金融崩溃让墨西哥制度革命党(Institutional Revolutionary Party)重新掌权,2013年,米歇尔·巴切莱特的左翼政党新多数党(Nueva Mayoría)在智利获胜。
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