With recent landmark legislation to support decarbonization and innovation, the United States is making up for lost time after its failed 40-year experiment with neoliberalism. But if it is serious about embracing a new paradigm, it will need to do more to help bring the rest of the world along.
explains how to minimize the political risks of new spending packages in the US and Europe.
What would a second Donald Trump presidency mean for US foreign policy and the world? While the man himself is unpredictable, his first term and his behavior since losing re-election in 2020 offer plenty of clues, none of which will be comforting to America's allies.
considers the implications of the 2024 presidential election for America's foreign policy and global standing.
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坎布里奇—美国总统乔·拜登最近在美国国会发表演讲时曾警告,中国对试图成为世界最重要的大国态度极为认真。但拜登也宣誓,独裁者不会赢得未来;而美国会。如果处理不当,美中大国竞争可能带来危险的结局。但如果美国处理得当,与中国的竞争可能带来健康的关系。
拜登对华政策的成功部分取决于中国,但同时也取决于美国如何改变。保持美国在技术方面的领先地位至关重要,而且需要在人力资本和研发领域进行投资。拜登同时提出了上述两项建议。与此同时,美国还必须应对新的跨国威胁,包括气候变化和杀死美国人数量超过自1945年以来该国所有战争总和的流行病。必须与中国和其他国家合作应对这些挑战。
拜登因此面临着一项艰巨的计划,并将对华竞争视之为“必须加倍努力,争取迎头赶上的机会。”尽管他在演讲中提到了富兰克林·D·罗斯福总统和大萧条,同时避开了误导性的冷战言论,但仍然可以同20世纪50年代的局势进行相对恰当的类比,当时德怀特·艾森豪威尔总统利用苏联卫星发射所带来的冲击,刺激美国在教育、基础设施和新技术等领域的投资。美国现在是否也能做同样的事?
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