Gareth Evans, humanitarian intervention, A Responsibility to Protect Iraqis?

Politics

保护伊拉克人的责任？

Jun 24, 2014 Gareth Evans

堪培拉—西方或其他行动方重新开始对伊拉克进行外部军事干预只有一种原因——不论是道德上、政治上还是军事上——履行保护大规模凶残暴力（种族屠杀、种族清洗及其他人道主义或战争罪行）受害者或潜在受害者。

在ISIS（伊拉克和叙利亚伊斯兰国，其指导思想和行为极端到连基地组织都无法认同）的残酷路线下，什叶派和其他非逊尼派有充分的理由担心受到凶残暴力。野蛮处决军事和其他俘虏的行为在摩苏尔、提克里特等ISIS占领城市中公然进行。

但是，从目前所获得的证据看，认为针对无防守能力者的已经或即将发生的暴力达到了必须进行外部军事干预的程度还为时过早。

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0 Comments on this paragraph, 8 Comments on this article

Cam Jennings Jul 19, 2014

Gareth thank you for your opinion here regarding the current situation in Iraq and your closing statement highlights a point that is so important, if we are to not repeat the mistakes of Cambodia, Rwanda and Bosnia. The Middle East is a complex cauldron and it is our conundrum for a while yet.
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Rodrigo San Jorge Jul 6, 2014

Couldn't agree more, Mr. Evans. A pity your Prime Minister doesn't see it that way. He is currently returning would-be Iraqi, Syrian and Sri Lankan Asylum Seekers - who have survived the trek to Australia - back to their respective countries to face almost certain death. Actually, that's not correct - he says they have a 50/50 chance of survival. Even as I write, there are 200 "missing" Tamal Sri Lankans who were handed over to the Sri Lankan navy last week and are currently unaccounted for. So much for Australia preaching morality to the corrupt governments of the world.
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Nathan W Jul 2, 2014

Generals know better than anyone how terrible war is. But their first concern is for their own soldiers, not enemy soldiers. Therefore, we should never look to them for moral direction.

I would not consider "moral, political, or military" as one reason. In fact, it troubles me that someone with such a long history of influence can so easily group together "moral, political and military".

Unless I misunderstand the argument and he's saying that only one of these criteria can be applied at the same time, due to contradictions in the differentiated conceptual lenses provided from these perspective.

In any case, if US or NATO troops end up back in Iraq, I certainly welcome the idea of adopting civilian protection as a first principle.
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j. von Hettlingen Jun 26, 2014

Mr. Garreth Evans asks whether there is a "responsibility to protect" Iraqis. The UN doctrine - "responsibility to protect" or R2P - was born out of the humanitarian disasters of the 1990s in Kosovo and Rwanda. It was drawn up for use in cases if governments are either unable to protect their own citizens or are themselves a threat to them. The doctrine was supported by "150 heads of state and government at the United Nations" in 2005.
Yet there is no international court on hand, that can give the legal go-ahead to intervene militarily. In order to have maximum legitimacy, the use of force to protect civilians should be authorised by the UN Security Council. So far there was only one case that took the "form of Security Council-authorized military intervention, as happened in 2011 in response to the behavior of Muammar el-Qaddafi’s regime in Libya". Although over 160.000 had died in Syria, there is no appetite for another UN Resolution 1973, which ultimately led to the death of Gaddafi in October 2011.
Many Syrians are embittered by the callousness of world leaders, who have done nothing to stop Assad from slaughtering his own citizens. Western governments argued that in the case of Syria, - unlike Libya - there was no request from regional organisations like the Arab League and the African Union for UN intervention. The mercurial Muammar Gaddafi was not respected and popular among world leaders. On the other hand Bashar al-Assad has Iran as a staunch ally in the region and Russia in the UN Security Council. China has been vetoing all resolutions that it sees as an interference in others' domestic affairs.
Besides the Libyan experience had had a negative impact on China and Russia. Since Gaddafi's ouster, Moscow has vowed to veto against any resolution that will lead to a regime change. The most important argument had been Syria's strategic location. Should Assad's regime fall, instability would spill across the borders to Iraq, Lebanon and Israel. Today the dynamics of sectarian violence in Syria are deeply felt in neighbouring countries.
Even if the ISIS poses an existential threat to Iraq and all of the criteria for a UN authorised military action were met, it would not resolve the sectarian strife, once extremism is decimated. Iraq needs a political solution. The question is whether the leaders of the Shia-led government are willing to share power with others and whether the ethnic minorities - Sunnis, Kurds and others - have the patience to help develop a decades-long process to democratise their country.
- Cam Jennings Jul 19, 2014
  
  Gareth Evans raises some good points to consider regarding the current situation in Iraq. Also, J. VON HETTLINGEN has an interesting reply that also address some thought provoking points. Thank you to the writer again for this piece.
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m r Jun 25, 2014

This article, rich on all that would be nice to do but should NOT be done is devoid of what is there to do- hence just a self- indulgent diatribe. May be thus we should leave the disease alone as the possible "external" cures are sure to be much worse. Patients also have rights and are NOT just the doctor's meat.
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David Johnson Jun 25, 2014

"in favor of a broad-based Shia-Sunni-Kurdish administration, determined to govern inclusively and create an effective, non-political national army. Massive diplomatic effort certainly should be mobilized to achieve this goal."
Wouldn't it make more since to try and push for 3 new countries as you describe in the article?
- Edphil Kenneth Jun 26, 2014
  
  David you just helped to Say it all.The Iraqi debacle encompasses more than the U.S fit-for-all approach can solve.The divisiveness is deep and the motivation is visceral.Peace would not be at a distance if the country is divided on the basis of this motivations.It would help stabilize not just Iraq but the entire region as well.
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