With recent landmark legislation to support decarbonization and innovation, the United States is making up for lost time after its failed 40-year experiment with neoliberalism. But if it is serious about embracing a new paradigm, it will need to do more to help bring the rest of the world along.
explains how to minimize the political risks of new spending packages in the US and Europe.
What would a second Donald Trump presidency mean for US foreign policy and the world? While the man himself is unpredictable, his first term and his behavior since losing re-election in 2020 offer plenty of clues, none of which will be comforting to America's allies.
considers the implications of the 2024 presidential election for America's foreign policy and global standing.
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发自约翰内斯堡——本周,南非将举办第十届金砖国家年会(巴西、俄罗斯、印度,中国和南非)。当金砖四国于2009年举行首次峰会(南非于2010年加入)时,世界正处于发达国家金融危机的阵痛之中,而日益活跃的金砖四国集团则代表了未来。通过走到一起,这些国家有潜力在地缘政治上制衡西方。
但西方评论家长期以来一直以来都低估了这种潜力,使得金砖国家被迫去在全球治理机构中争取更多的代表性。 2011年和2012年时,金砖国家分别对国际货币基金组织和世界银行领导人的选拔流程提出了挑战。但由于缺乏统一战线,这些组织依然是由欧洲人(克里斯蒂娜·拉加德Christine Lagarde)和美国人(金墉Jim Yong Kim)把持着。尽管金砖国家确实成功让这些机构改革了其投票结构,让发展中国家拥有了更大的权重,但美国和欧洲仍然占据着的与自身不相称的权力。
在此背景下,金砖国家只得通过建立金砖国家开发银行和应急储备基金(2014年)等方式来自行寻找“外部选项”。这些举措是作为现行布雷顿森林体系的补充而提出的,但也不难看出它们将如何在未来某个时刻为一个替代性的全球治理框架奠定基础。
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