الأنظمة الديمقراطية المختلة في آسيا

يبدو أن حُمى الانتخابات قد تفشت في آسيا طيلة هذا العام. فقد اختارت الفيليبين رئيسة جديدة، واختارت تايوان رئيساً جديداً. أما ماليزيا والهند فقد اختارت كل منهما برلماناً جديداً ورئيس وزراء جديد. ويأتي شهر سبتمبر بالمزيد من الانتخابات شديدة الأهمية: انتخابات تشريعية في هونغ كونغ، وانتخابات رئاسية في إندونيسيا. وقد يقدم إلينا الناخبون هناك مفارقة مزعجة كثيراً ما قدمتها لنا شعوب المنطقة. وتتمثل هذه المفارقة في الخلل الوظيفي الذي يعتري الديمقراطية في آسيا كلما ازدادت نشاطاً وقوة.

ولا تنقصني الأمثلة التي تدلل على ما أقول. فالمحاولة التي بذلتها أحزاب المعارضة لعزل الرئيس الكوري الجنوبي روه موو هيوم لحجج واهية؛ وعجز رئيس تايوان تشن شوي-بيان عن تمرير تشريع عبر البرلمان الذي يهيمن عليه حزب كومنتانج المعارض؛ ورئيسة الفيليبين غلوريا ماكاباجيل آرويو التي كانت فترة ولايتها الأولى حافلة بالمآزق وعلى الأخص الورطة المتعلقة بالإصلاحات المالية اللازمة لمنع انهيار اقتصادي متوقع، على غرار ما حدث في الأرجنتين، في وقت مبكر من فترة ولايتها الثانية: جميعها أمثلة يشهد كل منها على الشلل الذي أصاب الديمقراطية في آسيا.

ولو اقتصرت العواقب الناجمة عن هذه الطرق السياسية المسدودة والأبواب المغلقة على المآزق والفوضى فحسب لكان الأمر محتملاً. لكن المآزق المزمنة التي تواجه العديد من الأنظمة الديمقراطية في آسيا تهدد بتقويض مصداقيتها وجدارتها، الأمر الذي ينذر بانتشار أعمال العنف والذبول الاقتصادي.

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