Friday, November 28, 2014

Europe’s Regional Revolts

MADRID – In both Catalonia and Scotland, calls for independence are growing once again – an indication of conditions not only in Spain and the United Kingdom, but in the European Union as a whole. Indeed, the EU’s weakness in confronting its financial crisis both reflects and reinforces the erosion of its raison d'être – political integration. Whatever its roots in old grievances, secessionism, it seems, is a painful symptom of this degenerative process.

The perverse irony here is that Europe’s shrewdest secession-minded parties are dressing up their programs in European garb, promising that the new states will have automatic EU membership. The Scottish Nationalist Party (SNP) and Convergència i Unió (CiU) in Catalonia are both exploiting the concept of European cosmopolitanism to revive narrow nationalist ends and, ultimately, to break up the countries of which they are now a part.

No provisions of EU law address the disintegration of a member state, as secession contradicts the core principle of “ever closer Union.” That is why there are increasing calls to send a message to electorates in would-be secessionist regions that EU membership would not be guaranteed in the event of independence. Alex Salmond, Scotland’s first minister and the SNP’s leader, proclaimed that the guarantee of EU membership was a matter of law; because it is not, he and his party now face their biggest crisis since coming to power in 2007.

This legal void explains why, in the run-up to Catalonia’s elections on November 25, the CiU’s leaders are so eager to convert an informal referendum on independence into a plebiscite on Catalans’ desire for EU membership (which is neither at issue nor up to the electorate in Catalonia to decide). Rationally, if not legally, the only coherent question that the CiU government could pose is whether Catalans wish to be part of Spain.

The United Nations framework governing secession establishes a clear distinction between “internal self-determination” and “external self-determination.” The former sanctions a people's pursuit of its political, economic, social, and cultural development within the framework of an existing state; the latter could potentially take the form of unilateral secession, but only under an extreme set of circumstances. Neither definition applies in the case of Catalonia or Scotland.

No one in Catalonia or Scotland can legitimately claim the suppression of cultural identity, which enjoys strong protection in Spain – where one of the main goals of the Spanish Constitution, after Francisco Franco’s death, was to protect the Catalan and Basque languages and cultures – and the UK. Perhaps this helps to explain why the formalScottish claim to independence does not rest on a distinct heritage, but on the shaky notion of distinct political and social values – an argument so vague that it could be used to justify dismantling every European country.

As is often the case with nationalism – irrespective of its dress – the emotional discourse that surrounds calls for independence is merely a mask for naked political ambition and economic self-interest. In Catalonia, victimization has become a campaign strategy, with CiU leaders openly citing imaginary threats from the central government in Madrid, including “Spanish” tanks and “hostile” airplanes above “Catalan airspace.”

Rhetoric aside, the looming Catalan referendum emerged as a result of the political bargaining surrounding bailout discussions between Spain’s regions and the central government. The crisis has stoked demands for independence by adding fervor to many Catalans’ anger at financial transfers to Spain’s poorer regions through the much-maligned Territorial Solidarity Fund.

The question of independence has turned into a powerful bargaining tool vis-à-vis the central government. It also conveniently sweeps existing problems under the rug – for example, Catalan debt makes up close to 30% of the total debt of Spain’s regions – and deflects attention from the CiU regional government’s poor economic management.

Conditions could become much worse with independence. Conservative estimates suggest that exiting from Spain, the euro, and the EU would cause a 20-25% drop in Catalonia’s GDP, as 68% of Catalonia’s international exports go to the EU (according to official 2010 data) and 50% of its total output goes to the rest of Spain.

A similar pattern holds true for Scotland. Moreover, in the wake of the euro crisis, SNP leaders have dropped their old plan to embrace the euro and now say that they will keep the pound.

But criticizing the opportunists who are stoking the fires of secession in Barcelona and Edinburgh is not enough. A demonstration in Barcelona in September that brought close to 8% of Catalonia’s 7.5 million people onto the street showed that there are real issues to be addressed, both at the European and national level.

The core principle of democracy is the ability of citizens to guide the direction of public policy. But today, across Europe, citizens feel impotent. With the economic crisis, this phenomenon is particularly pronounced in Europe’s south, where voters sense uneasily that they have little influence in Berlin, where the real decisions are being made.

In Catalonia, CiU has channeled this frustration into a rejection of Spain’s central government. In Scotland, the austerity policies pursued by David Cameron’s government have provided similar force to the SNP’s independence bid.

Spain was undoubtedly one of the biggest successes of the end of the twentieth century, managing its EU accession and democratic transition while moving from under-development to the eurozone’s fourth-largest economy – and 13th in the world. But the trade-offs that were part of that transition led to consequences – particularly the country’s territorial distribution of power – that must now be confronted openly.

Whatever its cause, unrest in Catalonia should spur a thorough revision of Spain’s 1978 Constitution and the adoption of a true federal structure. If successful, Spanish federalists could then advise others – starting with political leaders in the UK.

  • Contact us to secure rights


  • Hide Comments Hide Comments Read Comments (7)

    Please login or register to post a comment

    1. CommentedMark Ibor

      a brief comment on the inaccuracies of the article:

      8% of the population in the demonstration if you live in "candyland"or you belong to the government. One just needs to review some of the main papers in Europe (or even easier, check the images) NYT on 11th sept; La Reppublica on the 12th, Al Jazeera, etc.

      Amusing too when she states Spain being the number 4 economy in the Eurozone... Who should it be then? The NL with 16M inhabitants? Not to mention the price Spain is paying for the "miraculous" performance since the 80s...

      I could go on and on but I don't want to spend more time dismantling the article than it took her to write it.

    2. CommentedCarlos Avendano

      Brilliant article Ms Palacio. "Money comes and goes, but I remain" declared Lee Scratch Perry solemnly. Same with nations. We live in bloody financial times and Catalan bonds (yes, Catalonia issues their own bonds already; they're more independent than what their politicians say) are no safe haven whatsoever. Their spread is as high as ever (900bps) and 2-3 yr bonds trade at a 16% discount. Say hello to my little friend...
      Catalonia spends 15% more of what they produce. And the regional Government knows that. And they're scared when they see the golden-egg goose's neck at risk. Hence they come up with ludicrously biased scripts were Catalonia is ALWAYS the victim, while the rest of Spain keeps playing the bad guys. In the meanwhile, few large multinationals wants to set up shop in Catalalaland. And this forces the good to leave. "And I remain", moans CIU's Artur Mas.
      Lads, stay or leave for good. But remember the EU is not waiting you with open arms and the globalized world economy is a vast, cold, remorseless ocean.
      Be blunt and aks the right question: (IN or OUT); the outcome might surprise friends and foes. And if it is a YES, surely Federalism can be a great outcome for all, not before every peseta is paid back to the other 16 regions.
      Moderate Catalans deserve the right to know the truth without being pulled into the abyss by short-term, distorted political slogans. "Nationalism" is sooooo old school amics!

    3. CommentedMarc Torras

      Maybe it has something to do with an unbalanced taxation system? Catalonia gives 8% of its GDP to Spain every year, much more than the deficit that we have.
      So we agree on a taxation system as in the Basque Country and don't worry, our deficit will be zero and we will not bother you anymore.
      Oops, who will pay for the system ineficiencies in the rest of Spain then?

    4. CommentedMarc Torras

      Well, education minister Mr Wert does not agree with you. In his own words at the Spanish parliament: "Our interest is 'Spanishise' Catalan students".
      Whatever he meant when he said these words, he sent shiverings through most Catalans' spines

    5. CommentedCarol Maczinsky

      Scotland, Catalania, South Tyrol, Corsica,... The self-determination of the people is a basic right in international law. And we are all Europeans.

      We cannot deprive a European of his EU citizenship just because his people decides to leave a rotten "nation state".

        CommentedCarol Maczinsky

        Yes, I am. A people should be under its own rule. In most cases there is already a provincial government. And in the case of South Tyrol the population funds its fascist occupant Italian state, Vlaams people fund the Belgian state which discriminates its culture. They contribute more to an alien government then they would under their own rule.

        CommentedE. de Mas

        Are you serious? Who do you think funded the roads, airports, hospitals, schools and other infra-structure in these places?
        Everyone's taxes pay for it. You can't have just the good and none of the bad.